How football fans shaped Egypt's Jan. 25 revolution
On the 14th anniversary of the Egyptian uprising, we look back on the football fans who emerged as unexpected but pivotal heroes of the Arab Spring.
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Today marks 14 years since the 2011 Egyptian revolution, a popular uprising that toppled Hosni Mubarak, one of the region’s longest-standing and most influential leaders. Among the key players in this historic movement were the Ultras, a passionate network of Egyptian football fans who emerged as unexpected but pivotal heroes of the Arab Spring.
During the three-decade reign of former president Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian citizens were limited in their opportunities to participate in the socio-political sphere. The State lacked the resources and the necessary structures and institutions to harbour that form of discussion and debate. Those who wanted to express alternative opinions had no formal outlet to relieve their frustrations.
Naturally, this vacuum allowed for unorthodox entities to rise as an alternative form of protest and outward expression. For many, this came in the form of religious institutions or similar social structures. For others, football fandom became their preferred outlet. One group in particular would become infamous: the Ultras Ahlawy.
Formed in 2005 as an online community, the Ultras Ahlawy (UA-07) group was created by disgruntled members of the Cairo-based Ahly Fans Club (AFC). They separated from the traditional fan club after growing concern over the Al-Ahly club board members’ influence over the association. Less than two years later, the now-infamous red devil pitchforks banner was featured for the first time in an April 13, 2007 match against ENPPI. It signalled the official start of Ultras fandom in Egypt.
Egyptian football had never seen anything like it. Ultras Ahlawy members were remarkably well organized and strict in their stadium etiquette. They separated from the football associations that were funded by the Al Ahly club, which allowed them complete autonomy over their actions during matches.
They peppered the stadium with crimson flares, sang lengthy songs, and boasted about their newfound collective identity. They even carried 30 foot banners with inspirational slogans like “We Are Egypt.”
As expected, the Egyptian government began to probe Ultras members in an attempt to determine the essence of the group and the nature of their relationship with state authority and control. State paranoia quickly morphed into police brutality, which brought about the start of a bloody relationship between Ultras members and the Egyptian police force.
For decades, Egypt operated under the Emergency Law, which allowed for limitless censorship, extended police control, and prohibited unauthorized gatherings. While this was generally imposed to quash unwanted political activity, it was also used to monitor Egypt’s youth and determine whether they pose a threat to the regime. This strategy remained in place well into Mubarak’s reign and even in the post-revolution space.
From the Egyptian government’s perspective, the Ultras posed a potential threat to the government because of its passionate youth base with seemingly no radical agenda. Was this a political unit masquerading as a fan club? Was it a group of anarchist vandals looking for chaos? All those questions were enough for the government to raise concerns over the groups existence.
For the first few years following the group’s inception, the Ultras Ahlawy made very few political statements. Their concern was the lack of visibility in the public sphere and the constant resistance from state actors like the police apparatus. They were subject to invasive inceptions in stadiums and security forces opted for a heavy-handed approach to maintaining control during matches. On occasion, tensions led to clashes between the Ultras and the police.
This inability to achieve rightful autonomy under Mubarak’s oppressive regime helped shape the Ultras combative approach and, eventually, their political message. Graffiti slogans were visible on street corners and stadium walls – what once began as outward displays of affection for the group and their football club became powerful statements of resistance and confrontation.
“Respect Existence or Expect Resistance.”
Prior to January 25, 2011, the Ultras represented hardcore Egyptian football fan groups that confronted authority, opposed police control and the extreme censorship prevalent during the Mubarak regime. Determined to have their voices heard, young men gathered during football matches to chant slogans and erect infamous red devil pitchforks in the stands as symbolic opposition to the government and its vicious security forces.
Tension rose between football fanatics and the Egyptian government, which occasionally spilled out around the stadium in the form of scrimmages and clashes. Shocked by their determination and exceptional organization, the government grew paranoid about the group’s existence and lashed out in more brutal forms. As a result, the Ultras located a profound hatred for the Ministry of Interior Affairs and the security forces at the centre of their identity.
For nearly four years, the Ultras and the police clashed on Egyptian streets. Few would have guessed that the experience they gathered on those occasions would help them topple the regime years later.
The Friday of Rage
As Egyptians marched the streets towards Tahrir Square on January 28, the smell of tear gas polluted the air and disturbed the senses. Despite three days’ worth of ongoing protests and gradually increasing violence, that Friday saw the largest influx of civilian protesters yet.
Internet and telecommunication networks had been shut down that morning in an attempt to cause confusion and hinder crowds approaching the Square. As police forces clamped down on approaching Egyptians, handfuls of young men in red shirts encouraged the crowd to push ahead. “Just a little longer to Tahrir, don’t give up,” one called to a group of women frightened by the tear gas. The Ultras members moved with confidence and a sense of leadership garnered through years of experience. While each member acted on individual intent, their anti-authority nature gave them unity.
“The Ultras were on the frontlines because they knew how to handle the situation,” an anonymous Ultras member told Al-Jazeera. “However, they didn’t participate officially or directly. There is no evidence that the Ultras groups participated. But each member of the Ultras loves freedom. So, of course, they took to the streets.”
The Ultras pushed ahead despite gun shots being fired into the masses and thousand injured en route to Tahrir Square. Some of the wounded clutched their eyes and screamed, the likely result of a rubber bullet aimed at their eyes by the police with malicious intent.
The self-dubbed ‘Friday of Rage’ quickly became a reality.
As the sun set over Cairo, protesters began to flood Tahrir Square for a prolonged sit-in. Overwhelmed by the ensuing crowd, police forces scattered and retreated – some by driving through crowds and over protesters. Military forces were deployed instead. They encircled the protesters, but refused to intervene in the uprising. As a result, President Hosni Mubarak delivered a speech and sacked Ahmed Nazif’s government, but it was too little, too late.
Throughout the 18-day uprising in 2011, the Ultras’ presence was tremendous. When not guiding or encouraging anxious citizens on the streets or struggling against security forces outside the Ministry of Interior, they were singing songs, chanting slogans and dancing inside Tahrir Square. They sang to energise crowds, but also to pay tribute to their fallen comrades and to remind themselves why they were risking their lives. Yet throughout their collective struggle, they remained individuals guided by a common goal and not an official ideology.
“The Ultras had one voice,” sports analyst Hassan El Mistikawy told Al Jazeera. “It is thrilling to see 5,000 young men marching in the streets, speaking with one voice. They energised people.”
However, while the Ultras were able to withstand attacks like the Battle of the Camels in Tahrir Square to witness Mubarak’s resignation days later on February 11, their troubles had only just begun.
In the immediate aftermath of Mubarak’s resignation, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) assumed power to govern Egypt until fair elections could be held. They did not relinquish power until June 2012 when President Mohamed Morsi was sworn into office. While this was seen as promising by a fair percentage of the population, the SCAF did not live up to its promises to remove Egypt’s oppressive emergency laws or to help with the civilian transfer of power.
Naturally, this caused Egyptians to take to the streets once more in opposition to SCAF’s stranglehold of the nation. This peaked following the Maspero Massacre in October 2011, where a group of mainly Coptic Christian civilians protesting the burning of a Church in Upper Egypt were confronted by army forces. The clashes took a violent turn and over 20 protesters were slaughtered. SCAF absolved itself of all blame for the incident, instead broadcasting statements that the Copts were responsible for the clashes.
By November 18, 2012, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians had returned to Tahrir Square to protest SCAF’s inability to govern, and to demand an immediate handover. The Ultras were amongst the voices heard that day, though they are largely remembered for their heroics the following day. Then presidential candidate, Bothaina Kamel, was particularly vocal about the protection the Ultras offered her during protests.
As a response to the gradually increasing crowds in Tahrir Square, SCAF targeted civilians approaching from the neighbouring Mohamed Mahmoud Street, which caused violent clashes to break out between the forces. Over 40 protestors died that day, including members of the Ultras, who took to the streets to protect peaceful protesters. One such member told his mother prior to his untimely death that he needed to protect the innocent from being attacked.
Unresponsive bodies were dragged to the side of the road and were piled on top of each other, a tally of death. Had the football fanatics not been perfectly capable of navigating the confusing streets surrounding Tahrir Square, more civilians would have likely died that night.
The Port Said Massacre
When the final whistle sounded, tragedy ensued in Port Said.
The attack came in waves. Swarms of unidentified men armed with knives, flares and rocks flooded the football pitch in pursuit of the Al Ahly team following their 3-1 loss to Al-Masry.
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